Thomas Sowel Quotes

Since slaves had no voice whatever in the selection of Southern Congressman, counting the slave population at full strength would have given white Southerners a stronger pro- slavery contingent in Congress...It should also be noted that in the Constitution‘s distinction in counting people for representation in Congress was between slave and free, not black and white. Free blacks were counted the same as whites- and free blacks existed before the Constitution existed. -- P. 155

Periods of crises often generate emotions which seek outlets by blaming personal and intentional causes, rather than systemic causes, which provide no such emotional release for the public or moral melodrama for the media and politicians. -- P. 1

Freedom began to emerge where governments were too fragmented, too poorly organized, or too much in need of voluntary cooperation to prevent its emergence. -- P. 353

-as in other expressions of cosmic visions, results are not the test. Taking a moral stand is the test. -- P. 104

The Eugenics movement sought to limit the reproduction of 'inferior' individuals and races, so as to prevent the lowering of the national intelligence in future generations. Planned Parenthood was founded not simply as an organization for limiting the size of families in general but more particularly to reduce the reproduction of the black population in the United States, as Planned Parenthood founder Margaret Sanger herself noted. -- P. 193

correcting this injustice imposes another arbitrary cost on another innocent person, is that also an injustice? -- P. 28

Like freedom and justice, equality is a process characteristic in the constrained vision and a result characteristic in the unconstrained vision. -- P. 121

Not only did many of the groups who settled the South distain business as a career, as their ancestors had in parts of Britain from which they came, they typically lacked the kinds of habits necessary to be successful in business. -- P. 18

Far more important than particular reckless policies, even those with such deadly consequences as weakening the criminal law, is a whole mindset in which omnicompetence is implicitly assumed and unhappy social phenomena are presumed to be unjustified morally and remediable intellectually and politically. Inherent constraints of circumstances or people are brushed aside, as are alternative policy approaches which offer no special role for the anointed. The burden of proof is not put on their vision, but on existing institutions. -- P. 110

The ideas that government intervention improves the situation is a notion which has been repeated innumerable times in many ways, but endless repetition is not a coherent argument, much less proof...It is precisely government intervention in housing markets which has made previously affordable housing unaffordable. -- P. 23

When the government creates some new program, nothing is easier than to show whatever the benefits that program produces. Indeed, those who run the program will be more than cooperative in bringing those benefits to the attention of the media. But it is virtually impossible to trace the taxes that paid for the program back to their source and to show the alternative uses of that same money that could have been far more beneficial. -- P. 257

People were enslaved because they were vulnerable, not because of how they looked. -- P. 113

To apply the same rules to everyone requires no prior knowledge of anyone‘s childhood, cultural heritage, philosophical (or sexual) orientation, or the innumerable historical influences to which he or his forebears may have subjected. -- P. 16

That outside interests should see 40 million school children as a captive audience to be exploited is not so difficult to comprehend as the fact that educators themselves are not merely acquiescent, but are often enthusiastic apostles of these innumerable non- academic courses and programs. -- P. 32

Such are the ways of politics, where the crusade of the hour often blocks out everything else, at least until another crusade comes along and takes over the same monopoly of our minds. -- P. 210

The tendency to dismiss all unfavorable conclusions about any group as racism or as prejudice, stereotypes, or other manifestations of ignorance overlooks the fact that often those with the most unfavorable opinion of a group are in closest contact with them, while those with a more favorable view know them lass well and often from a greater distance. -- P. 365

To help some hard pressed individual or group whose case is before them, judges may bend the law to arrive at a more benign verdict in that particular case-but at the cost of damaging the whole consistency and predictability of the law, on which millions of other people depend, an on which ultimately the freedom and safety of a whole society depend. -- P. 130

It is easy to say 'crime does not pay,' but the real question is: Does it pay whom- and compared to what? -- P. 47

-it was during the 1960s that crime rates began skyrocketing among both blacks and whites, and it was precisely after the historic civil rights laws were passed that blacks began rioting in cities across the country. -- P. 167

A society in which some authorities can weigh millions of their fellow human beings in balance, determine their worth, and unilaterally dispense their livelihoods as largess from the government is a profoundly different kind of society from that created and maintained in the United States of America for more than two centuries. -- P. 72